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Eyewitness Report From Panama: Operation Just Cause

By Lamoin Werlein-Jaen

On December 20, 1989 the people of Panama were subject to the most violent act of aggression in our entire national history. While perestroika swept Eastern Europe, the U.S. military swept Panama. As they had in 1918, 192, 1958, and 1964, the U.S. government once again resorted to military force in order to protect their interests in Oanama. Within a weeks time the entire country from the Darien province on the Columbian border to the Chirisi province on the western frontier had come under the control of U.S. occupation forces. Nothing in Panama's past could have prepared people for the sheer magnitude of the violence unleashed beginning on December 20thand it will no doubt take several years to overcome the devastation.

Behind these events was a country facing deep political divisions and prolonged economic crisis. Through the 1980's economic instability helped generate widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo among the general population. Between 1981 and 1987 four top-ranking military officials were removed from positions of power while four people occupied the post of president. If you made it for more than a year in the presidency, you were lucky.

Evidence of popular resentment included the violence surrounding the 1984 elections in which former World Bank VP, Ardito Barletta was fraudulently imposed as President. But, with all the violent confrontations which surrounded Panamanian politics, there was a qualitative change in 1988 when the U.S. came up with its own "project: to resolve the crisis of Panama. That was when the U.S government decided that the Noriega-led regime posed a threat to "vital" U.S. interests on the isthmus. After that, the dominant feature of the crisis in Panama was the conflict between the U.S. government and the ruling alliance in Panama. Events deteriorated rapidly as the U.S. launched a low-intensity offensive which included a propaganda campaign against Noriega (to make it seem like he was the issue), economic sanctions and military intimidation.

The most important effect of the U.S. intervention was the devastation of the Panamanian economy, the result of a loss of investor confidence, the effects of U.S. economic sanctions, successive waves of looting and rioting, and finally, the destruction associated with the U.S. invasion.

For the people of Panama the effects have been horrendous: the output fo goods and services have declined more than 25%. The official unemployment rate grew from 11% in 1987 to 18% in 1989. More reliable figures place the unemployment rate at 25% at the beginning of 1989, while it was also estimated that over 40% of all Panamanian families lived under the government defined "poverty line." Basic social services deteriorated.

The aggression launched against the Republic of Panama was quite literally an invasion, a large scale offensive against Panamanian armed forces, the destruction of the Panamanian government and the occupation of our ENTIRE national territory. And sadly, it was a victory for the aggressor. We now live under occupation and a government directed by Generals Maxwell Thurman and Marc Cisneros of the U.S. Southern Command.

U.S. invasion forces were made up of 27,000 men and women both from the U.S. mainland and those already stationed in Panama. Twelve thousand troops were airlifted to Panama as part of the invasion to join 13,000 stationed there; two thousand more were airlifted in on December 23rd to help "mop up" in the Capitol. Mainland forces included elements of the 82nd Airborne (from Ft Bragg, NC), the 5thInfantry Division (Ft Polk, LLa0, the 7th Light Infantry (Ft Ord, CA) and rangers from several bases including Ft Benning, GA.

In the course of the fighting these forces used the most sophisticated hardware available. The F-177A "Stealth" fighter was used int eh attack of Rio Hato, while the AH-64 "Apache" assault helicopter was instrumental in the fighting at the Colon and CocSolo (on the Atlantic side) and in the assault on the capital. These helicopters, armed with two 30mm cannons and so-called "Hellfire" missiles gave the U.S. substantial advantage over the Panamanian ground forces.

U.S. forces were largely successful in their strategy of "breaking the structure of the PDF—the Panamanian Defense Forces. Within the first hours of the invasion every major PDF installation in the Capital and the Atlantic port area of Colon was destroyed by combined air and land assaults, and is some cases, by Marine landings. PDF forces not killed or captured in the initial attacks dispersed into small guerilla bands and linked up with the resistance led by the Dignity Battalions (volunteer units, essentially a militia). These forces were able to resist the invasion for some three or four days before being either killed or captured or going underground in a tactical retreat. It is widely believed that intact elements from the "Machos del Monte" Battalion fled into the hills of the Cocle Province, while into the mountains of Cerro Azul northeast of Panama City. In the interior of the republic several PDF installations surrendered after being threatened with annihilation by approaching U.S. forces.

According to official figures, 23 U.S. servicemen died in the fighting with another 300 injured. However, there have been persistent rumors from both Panama and the U.S. estimating that many more—perhaps as many as 100—died during the invasion. Once again the country needs to ask itself. What did these individuals die for? To restore democracy? To protect "American" lives? Haven't we heard all this before? Isn't this just the same old shit?

The invasion has devastated the nation; the social cost was high. Reliable estimates put the civilian death toll at more than 2000; more are classified as "missing." Additionally, several hundred from the PDF, Dignity Battalions and other nationalist forces died fighting to defend their country against foreign aggression. Many of these people were not even given decent burial but thrown into mass graves of a hundred or more. Some 20,000 people are homeless, many of these having lost all their personal belongings. The economic costs have been staggering with damages to infrastructure and property estimated at more than $2 billions. All told, the invasion killed thousands and emotionally scarred many more, reduced our economy to ashes and completely destroyed our state institutions.

Perhaps the most enduring effect of the invasion is that it will most likely insure the presence of the U.S. Southern Command in Panama beyond the year 2000. Panama remains a vitally important geo-strategic location which the U.S. seeks to further exploit and dominate. Chief among the reasons for the U.S. invasion was the perception that the Noriega-led government posed a threat to those interests and might not negotiate the Canal treaties to allow bases to remain beyond the December 1999 withdrawal date. The U.S. tell it must establish a pro-imperialist regime which would sell out the nation, something which is now in place with the Endara government; a renegotiation of the Canal treaties will no doubt be soon forthcoming.

Imposition of a puppet regime has other implications for Panama's future. The new regime not only will sell-out the country; it will return the traditional oligarchy to power. An all out attack against even the most mildly progressive social institutions and government policies will be launched. In fact, the Endaraled government is composed of the most right-wing, pro-U.S. and "old-money" elements in Panamanian society. What this represents is a return to the racist policies of past "rabiblanco" oligarchal governments when, in order to make it into the higher echelons of power, one had to be from a "respectable" (read rich and white) family.

Predicting what may happen next in Panama is difficult; a lot more dust will have to settle before we can tell where the country is headed. There are some important problems, however.

The economic situation is grave and continues to deteriorate. Since the invasion it is estimated byat 50,000 people have been laid off from their jobs, pushing the unemployment rate to nearly 40%. Furthermore, the loss of homes has created an internal refugee problem the likes of which we have never seen. And to this the general decay of the past several years during the U.S. economic boycott, and the hollow offers of U.S. aid (which, for some reason isn't arriving) and the future looks quite bad.

Within two weeks of the invasion there was the first labor mobilization and the first nationalist demonstration. Shortly thereafter a group of landless "squatters"—who had been violently removed from occupied lands—marched on the presidential palace to demand decent housing. On February 14, some 10,000 public employees marched through downtown Panama City denouncing the massive layoffs in the public sector of the economy. Two weeks later leaders of the public employees union FENASEP went on a hunger strike calling for a moratorium on layoffs.

On March 1st, (ex-)residents of Chorillo occupied the Puente de las Americas for nearly five hours, demanding that the new government and the U.S. make good on their promises to rebuild Chorillo. Many are beginning to doubt the regime's intentions as there have been rumors that Endara intends to renovate the area, prime bench-front real estate, into high-rise apartments for the middle class. On March 10th another march by state employees and laid-off workers was violently repressed by forces form the Southern Command and the newly created "Panamanian Public Security Forces."

If this sort of instability is not enough, the country is under occupation by a foreign power. This occupation insures that the U.S. will be in control of the situation and that its forces will impose the strategic plans of Southern Command. Since the invasion, troops have been actively imposing an "old style" colonial regime and backing it up with acts of repression and intimidation. For instance, on February 15, just two weeks before the re-opening of the University, a column of U.S. troops moved into the Campus to intimidate students. On this occasion, U.S. troops said they had gotten "lost," an excuse which is becoming quite old.

N February 21, U.S. troops arrested 15 former PDF soldiers for the "murder" of a U.S. citizen named Dragzeth who was killed during the invasion and was known to be a naval intelligence officer. If his death is murder, then why aren't Panamanian civilian causalities labeled "murder" also?

U.S. forces, as mentioned above, were involved, on March 10, in repressing a labor demonstration. That same weekend, U.S. forces conducted large-scale operations in some poor neighborhoods in the Capital which involved arresting some 700 individuals. In a similar operation on March 14th, U.S. troops arrested another 300. The excuse for these sweeps was that they were searching for weapons and drugs; in Panama, however, it is known that those arrested were on an "enemies" list drawn up by the minister of government and justice, Ricardo Arias-Calderon.

The situation forces Panamanians into conflict with the occupation forces and creates a growing resentment. On March 2nd, a bar frequented by U.S. soldiers was bombed killing two U.S. servicemen and wounding 16 others. There are also persistent reports of ongoing fighting in the countryside which may have resulted in the downing of two U.S. helicopters towards the end of March. Pressure affects U.S. troops also; several soldiers have been arrested on drug charges and, according to CNN, two other were arrested for "killing a prisoner and severely beating another." Finally, there have been reports of acts of intimidation against banana workers and against offices of an independent human rights commission.

As the situation continues to deteriorate, it is crucially important for progressive and anti-intervention forces in the U.S. to take an active stand against U.S. occupation of Panama. People have to look beyond the mainstream media to inform themselves of the crises Panamanians face. This is how we will be able to combat the criminal activities of imperialism and the future plans the imperialists have for Panama. Among the important forces in the U.S. opposing intervention has been VVAW which was at our side before the invasion and which has continued to organize around the issue where others have remained largely on the sidelines. For VVAW's role in the struggle against foreign intervention in general, and in particular, VVAW's solidarity with the people of Panama, WE COMMEND AND THANK YOU.