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Champion Resister Muhammad Ali

By Rick Tingling-Clemmons

"I ain't got nothing against them Vietcongs; they never did nothin' to me or to my family. Why should I want to go fight them?"

These are the words of a much beloved and respected sports figure, particularly in the Third World, both at home and abroad, Muhammad Ali. It is unlikely that Ali knew that he was repeating sentiments over 100 years old, particularly since he had been unable to pass the general intelligence examination of the Army in 1964 and was then classified I-Y. This reflects the inequities of American education; Ali's own experiences had enabled him to clearly make the link between questions of militarism abroad and injustices at home.

Muhammad Ali was born Cassius Clay in 1942 in Louisville, Kentucky, to Odessa and Marcellus Clay. His father was a successful sign painter, and the family lived in a lower-middle class neighborhood.

It is no exaggeration to say that Muhammad Ali is a person whose name and face are as familiar as those of anyone in the world. As Cassius Clay he "floated like a butterfly and stung like a bee" all the way to the world heavyweight boxing title. His calling the rounds in which he would (and did) fell his opponents, while bragging about how pretty he was, made him unique, colorful and controversial.

Such actions, in a society where much effort and expense have gone into proving Ali's geno-type to be inferior and ugly necessarily made him a villain in the eyes of the press. The press represented those same interests which were profiting by keeping Ali and all who looked like him—people of color—in the lowest economic strata in this country.

Simultaneously, his style made Ali a hero in the eyes of the children and people who related to his history of oppression, his looks and—most importantly—his pride in being a man who, despite all odds (or perhaps because of them) had become a champion needing to apologize to no one for who he was.

In 1964, Cassius Clay announced that he had joined the Nation of Islam (better known as the Black Muslims, a group seen by most whites and middle-class persons as a threat to "racial harmony"). He would now be known as Muhammad Ali. Soon afterwards he was reclassified 1-A by Selective Service and was ordered to report for induction into the U.S. Army in 1967.

In America in 1967 there was open confrontation over the continued denial of basic human rights to Black people—a denial that persisted despite the passage of civil rights legislation in 1964 and 1965 which acknowledged this mistreatment. Enlistment in the military, while touted as an act of patriotism, was actually being forced on young men of color as an alternative to jail, unemployment, or worse. The income gap between whites and blacks was pretty much as it is today, and the gap was even wider in other areas: quality jobs, education, housing, health care, etc.

Having been classified unacceptable for military service in 1964, Muhammad received his induction notice in 1967 with great surprise. With the war raging in Vietnam, thousands of young men—mostly poor and disproportionately of color—were being drafted each month. As a celebrated athlete, it was speculated, Ali could have given boxing exhibitions at military bases around the world, " just like Joe Louis." What Ali knew, and speculators did not, was that he and Joe Louis were two different people with different views of the world. Unlike Louis, Ali was protesting against the way he and his people were being treated in a system that put profit before need.

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in a famous Riverside Church speech "After Vietnam," said: "We are taking Black young men who have been crippled by our society and sending them 8,000 miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they have not found in Southwest Georgia and East Harlem." Dr. King's Americanism was call into question. Yet, he was merely following a long line of other Black Americans.

In 1841 Black abolitionist Thomas Van Rensselaer wrote: "Let it be understood from one end of the country to another that we will never again take up arms in defense of this country unless all of the institutions are thrown open to us on equal terms." Likewise Frederick Douglass, A. Philip Randolph, Paul Robeson, W.E.B. Dubois and Malcolm X all denounced U.S. military and foreign policies, exposing racial and economic exploitation and other forms of injustice.

Ali felt that, because he was a minister of the Black Muslim faith, he would go to jail ad did Elijah Muhammad, its founder, and Wallace D Muhammad, his son and successor. To Ali, the U.S. war in Vietnam was wrong and he wanted no part of it, even as a sideline observer.

"What can America give me for turning down my religion?" he asked. "I've got to stand up for Islam. How can I lose my faith in Allah and in Elijah Muhammad?"

When Ali failed to report for induction on the appointed day, the ranks of "public opinion" as reported by a hostile press immediately closed against the heavyweight champion. The New York Boxing Commission took the lead by not granting him a license to fight in that state. Since Madison Square Gardens was considered one of the most important boxing arenas in the world, that effectively prevented Ali from continuing his reign.

Ali was also refused a passport to leave the U.S., probably the most severe punishment he received. Not only was he unable to earn his living the best way he knew how, but Ali was also unable to continue his visits to Muslim nations.

While his case was being appealed in the courts, Ali was in limbo. Boxing authorities were among the strongest critics of Muhammad for his stand on the military. On the other side, Angelo Dundee, who had spent his lifetime in the sport, saw dark days ahead for boxing without Ali as a feature attraction. Muhammad could go to jail, Dundee said, "and still be a champ in most fans' eyes." Forcing patriotic guilt on disenfranchised Black folks only helps to sharpen the contradiction between oppressed and the oppressor.

Taking his case to the streets Ali became a regular speaker at Muslim temples and a popular attraction on college campuses throughout the U.S.—always with the threat of imprisonment. The war in Vietnam was beginning to be an embarrassment, and sentiment was beginning to turn heavily against U.S. involvement there. Overnight, Ali became an important spokesperson for the view that the war was wrong for Black and white youth. He also reminded his audience, "Ali will return; my ghost will haunt boxing arenas. People will watch fights and say, 'Ali could whip both guys with one hand.' When I'm gone, they'll carry boxing to the graveyard."

Ali sued the New York State Athletic Commission for violating his constitutional right to earn a living by depriving him a of a license to fight. Countering the Commission's claim that it was denying Ali license because he was a convicted felon, Ali's lawyer pointed to a list of approximately 100 convicted felons who had been granted boxing licenses by the Commission in the preceding 10 years!

Moreover, the Commission often had "granted licenses with knowledge that the applicant had a criminal charge pending against him." And many felons licensed by the Commission had been convicted of "military-related offenses, such as desertion...and had received dishonorable or undesirable discharges."

Although it did not affect the Commission, the tide of public opinion was turning in Ali's favor. The Supreme Court held, in June 1970, that a Muslim could be an opponent of war and recognized Ali's right to be a conscientious objector.

Atlanta, Georgia was first be reinstate Ali by issuing him a license. Then a New York judge ruled that Muhammad's suspension in that state was 'arbitrary and unreasonable," and forced the Commission to grant him a license. The walls came tumbling down.

After having been forced to sit on the sidelines for 3 years, Ali regained his crown in a famous early-morning fight in Kinshasa, Zaire, by stopping George Porman in 8 rounds. Ali now officially held the title of world champion, a title he had worn for years in the eyes of many, even when he was prevented from fighting.

No heavyweight champion in history has ever been as visible as Muhammad Ali. Hailed wherever he goes by heads of state, he has fought in more parts of the world than any champion.

Ali spoke to the Harvard University class of 1975, holding 1200 students and their guests spellbound for 30 minutes. In his speech, "The Intoxication of Life," he said: "It's not the action that makes a thing right or wrong, but its purpose. My purpose it to help people, and I can do it through boxing."

A lot has been forgotten since that dreadful period, but the greatness remains: the contributions made by Ali and others who dared to say that the war in Vietnam was wrong. Now, U.S. policies still preclude world peace and deprive people at home of decent employment and basic human services. Let us learn their lessons, get organized and continue Ali's struggle for peace, justice and freedom.

Today, here's what people face: in 1984, 62 cents out of every tax dollar will be spent by the military. The current $1.8 trillion military buildup will cost more than $20,000 per household over the next 5 years. Once again, this "Pentagon tax" falls most heavily on the poor, people of color, women and children.

From 1981-1984 Congress cut more than $50 billion from domestic assistance programs for workers and the unemployed, people of color, children, elderly and those with special needs. During the same period, military spending increased by more than $100 billion.

In spite of broad public support for reduced nuclear weapons spending, our government has consistently funded new nuclear systems like the infamous MX missile. They have spent more to produce and deploy new nuclear weapons than during any past presidential administration.

Increasingly, our military forces are being put to use. Reagan has won Congressional permission to deploy U.S. troops in Lebanon, El Salvador, Honduras and Grenada.

And America's domestic and national security objectives must be redefined. Our government's present priorities only lead to unmet human needs at home and an over militarized and aggressive U.S. foreign policy, inevitably resulting in conflicts and instability.

Rick Tingling-Clemmons
VVAW, Washington & CARD National Office